On the subject of the United States of America it is not easy to write or to feel with calmness. Such and so great are the interests involved, that it requires no little control of the mind to maintain a freedom from enthusiasm in contemplating the rapid growth and development of these states, and the field of inquiry and effort which they display.

The following work professes to exhibit in detail the several parts, even to the most minute, of this now vast body, in a view at once geographical, civil or political, and moral or religious. It presents the natural features and the various peculiarities of the widely-extended domains, which, by the divine Providence, working its own wonders by various means, have been united into one nation, and placed under one form of government. This government is, indeed, of diversified application, in respect to its subjects or constituents, gathered from almost every people, and in the employment of its energies, as every government must be. Yet its principles and design are simple, and open to the inspection of all. The establishment of its principles has cost ages of human thought, labor, and suffering. Its design, both professedly and practically, is the public good.

That such is the character of the government providentially established in these states is clear, from the fact that it has originated from the people, and is virtually managed by themselves. They have modified it as the circumstances attending its operation have appeared to them to require; and their own experience of its good or ill effects has decided both their judgment and actions concerning it. It admits not of the doctrine of “millions made for one," but cherishes the grand idea of reaching, with paternal and salutary attention, the masses of men and their wants. Hence it has opened, expressly, an asylum for all of the human race who are honorably seeking the enjoyment of that prosperity and influence with which God is ready to endow his moral, accountable creatures on earth, and are willing to bear the labor and sustain the responsibility that are necessary to secure them.

This very circumstance, combining with the condition in various respects of other countries ha.m.de the North American states a subject of curiosity abroad, and has attracted to them very many colonists from countries of an older civilization. And it deserves the attentive curiosity of those also who are in possession of its benefits, and who, as we trust, are becoming more sensible of their value ; for it would argue great ingratitude, or inability to appreciate human privileges and blessings, should those which are the favored lot of the United States be overlooked or disregarded.

It will not, then, be amiss, in this place, to take a general and extended but rapid prospect of the country, in regard to its boundaries, divisions, and geography, including soil, climate, rivers, mountains, lakes ; and to delineate, though briefly, the features of its history, progress, and present state, in an agricultural, commercial, civil, literary, and religious point of view.

At the period, therefore, when this volume issues, the United States of North America are thirty-one in number, enjoying each a separate local government, of its own choice and formation; and to these are added six territories, so denominated, whose government emanates from the supreme authority of the nation or republic, until they also shall have acquired a numerical population sufficient to establish a claim to become, by due form of law, sovereign states.

But before entering further on the exhibition of the political institutions of the country, it is proper to dwell on its natural features and boundaries.

The British possessions of New Britain, Upper and Lower Canada, with the province of New Brunswick, form the north and north-east boundary, partially modified, since the peace of 1783, by new treaties. On the north-west, Russia has indeed a territory upon this continent; and Greenland, on the opposite side of it, but separated from it, belongs to Denmark; yet neither reaches the United States’ boundary. British territory alone is conterminous with it, except in its direction through the lakes and a portion of the River St. Lawrence, of both which it keeps the centre.

On the east is the Atlantic Ocean, which, with the Gulf Stream at no great distance, washes the shore from the southern extremity of Florida to the extreme eastern coast of Maine. On the south is the Gulf of Mexico, as far as to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which constitutes the limit between the republic of Mexico and the United States in that quarter, as far as to the 32d degree of north latitude, whence it takes a western course until it strikes a branch of the River Gila, which it follows to its entrance into the Rio Colorado, at the head of the Gulf of California. Thence it crosses over Southern California to the Pacific Ocean, at a point ten miles south of San Diego. This portion of boundary is under actual survey and definitive settlement, by commissioners chosen by each power mutually.

The western boundary is the vast Pacific Ocean, from latitude 32° 29' 30" to 49° north, and the Straits of Juan de Fuca; opening an almost illimitable career to navigation, enterprise, and skill in the prospective commerce of the country-a commerce tha.m.st, in not a long time, extend to all those Asiatic regions which from time immemorial have excited the cupidity of Europe.

The territory embraced within these limits embodies an area of perhaps 3,250,000 square miles. In this view, it ranks as the fifth of the great territorial powers of the earth; Russia being, since the disruption of the Spanish dependencies from the mother country, first in the list, Great Britain next, then China, and afterwards Brazil.

Such an extent in latitude must stretch, of course, through very different climates: so that nearly every variety of temperature, and of animal, vegetable, and mineral productions, will be included. And these have actually been found, not, indeed, in all respects similar to those of Europe and Asia, but for by far the greater number.

The face of the country is also much diversified. Long ranges of mountains extend on each side of the great central basin or valley. That which marks the western part most prominently is a continuation of the Cordilleras of the Andes of South America, although receding rather more from the western coast. Their direction is northward, turning a little to the west, as the coast runs, and distant from it, in some parts, nearly 600 miles. On the eastern side, the several ranges, called in general Alleghany, and branching into the Green Mountains on the north-east, take the direction of the coast, from which they are generally distant about 250 miles. The space between these two vast ranges of mountains is watered by the majestic Mississippi, appropriately denominated, in a style peculiarly Oriental, the “Father of Waters,” and its large tributaries-tributaries, the Missouri especially, equalling or surpassing in length of course and body of water most of the great rivers of the eastern continent.

With the British possessions in North America the United States share the magnificent provision which the God of nature ha.m.de of the vast reservoirs of fresh water in the chain of lakes that find their outlet at the Falls of Niagara and River of St. Lawrence. And it is a circumstance peculiarly worthy of notice, that, while the waters of Lake Superior are elevated 600 feet above the tide-waters of the Atlantic, so that a power of immense force is kept in reserve for all future uses, the depth is such, that, should the rocks at the great falls be worn entirely away, as they are known to have receded already severa.m.les, neither that lake, nor Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Erie would be drained; and Ontario is the deepest of them all.

Considering the extent of country, its soil may be accounted generally fertile An exception is found to this estimate in the territory which lies north of the new State of Texas, and west of Arkansas and part of Missouri. This has been emphatically denoted as the American Desert. On the eastern side of it are located the remnants of several tribes of the original inhabitants, who have left their ancestral abodes east of the Mississippi, and are congregated in a rather close proximity, requiring the keen oversight of the American government, as well as its paternal care and providence.

No reflecting person can examine the map of our territory without perceiving the unusual facilities of river communication enjoyed by all parts of it. This circumstance is wonderfully promotive of internal commerce, as well as of fertility in the products of the field and forest, the orchard and the garden. True it is that occasional droughts are felt, but the extent of such calamities has not been great, nor their continuance long; and often what is denied to one portion is bestowed on another, “that there may be equality,” and, at the same time, the intercourse of friendly trade.

Sugar is produced in the lower parts of Louisiana, to a very considerable extent, from the cane plant, which might, doubtless, be cultivated more than it is in Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi, as well as in Texas. But the cotton fields have occupied ;the planter, and yielded generally a sure reward. Occasional frosts, however, are experienced all along the southern borders, rendering the cultivation of tropical productions too precarious for a dependence on them. This has been the case with the orange, fig, and lemon, while, of late, experiments have been made even farther north, on the introduction of the tea plant, with promising results. The Middle States appear to be the favorite region of the grape; and of this rich and wholesome fruit no small quantity of wine is already manufactured along the banks of the Ohio. The peach is cultivated extensively in New Jersey, especially, but flourishes, with the grape, in the neighboring states, and generally in that parallel of latitude. But we must refer to the Gazetteer itself, in the several articles, for the various particulars of this nature; remarking, only, that the maize, or Indian corn,-one of the indispensable articles of American food,-wheat,-a most important staple,-rye, barley, oats, rice, of its different varieties, the diet of so large a portion of mankind in Southern Asia, overspread the United States, in their respectively adapted parts, with ample provision for the population, even were it many times increased. And these necessary productions for the continuance of human life must long form the reliable articles of export and trade. Tobacco, too, and ardent spirits have been, and still are, notwithstanding all that has been said and written to dissuade men from the habitual use of them, a not inconsiderable item of commerce.

The American forests were the wonder of the early discoverers. Such a stately growth had been reached by the noble oaks, chestnuts, magnolias, cotton-trees, elms, maples, and, above all, the tall, straight pines, as rendered calculation almost wild in its anticipations of profit What in the old countries had been the result of careful cultivation appeared here in all the unbounded luxuriance of nature, rendering the scenery picturesque often, and beautiful in the extreme, although more generally overburdened, tangled, and obstructed, and demanding the judicious hand of skill and taste. Much remains, in some parts of the country, in its original state still; although the rapid diminution effected by steaming excites not unfrequently an anxious fear, that our posterity may, if systematic attentions do not prevent, inherit a denuded patrimony, abandoned, like many portions of the “Old World,” to sterility.

But here a provision meets us which seems to reassure our hope. The vast coal-beds which are wrought now to so great an extent and profit in Pennsylvania, and in several other states, “cropping out” along the navigable rivers of the west, will yield fuel, either in the bituminous form, or in the hard anthracite, which, it may be hoped, will prove a preservative of much forest scenery and highway shade. The substitution of coals for wood is rapidly advancing.

With respect to mineral wealth, it had been supposed until recently that little of the more precious metals would be found within the regions assigned to these states. But a sudden burst of what is almost universally regarded as good fortune surprises us in the acquisition of California. Its treasures of gold have surpassed all previous calculation, although not every hunter of it has been gratified with success. Millions have been gained, and will be brought into circulation, notwithstanding sickness, vice, and misery have often been coparceners in the enterprise. A new empire is founded, also, notwithstanding an almost incalculable expenditure of human life has been sustained to effect it. And we may hope, that, by the overruling hand which “educes good from partial evil,” benefits to the human family will eventually be realized, though many individuals be sacrificed and lost.

Lead and copper had long been mined to much advantage before this unexpected discovery. And their abundance was a subject of gratulation, previous to the working of the copious supply of copper near Lake Superior, and of lead at Galena. Silver has been of rather rare occurrence, although gold has been obtained among the Alleghany ranges, and east of them; and the indefatigable exertions of Dr. C. T. Jackson have even discovered tin. Iron, proverbially the most useful of all the metals, abounds almost every where.

While dwelling on these treasures of the earth, it should not be forgotten that great progress has been made in turning to profit many of the rocks which in some parts of the country are abundant, but of which other parts are destitute. Thus New Hampshire and Massachusetts send their granite to Georgia and Louisiana. The abundance of limestone in the north compensates the want elsewhere ; and while in Florida, and Georgia, and Alabama, the live-oak has been felled, by dwellers of Maine, to furnish timber for their ship-yards, the morta.m.de of the lime from Thomaston has been cementing the buildings of the south-the abundance of one furnishing the other a needed supply, and that alternately and. mutually.

Beautiful marbles also have been wrought in quarries of different kinds, from the famous verd antique to the rival of the Parian for whiteness and uniformity of texture, giving to statuaries and architects the materials from which the most splendid trophies of art may be elicited. To this may be added the red sandstone of Connecticut, the appearance of which, in various buildings, has been greeted with much favor. Before the introduction of the “Quincy granite,” this material was the most commonly wrought stone of the market. Slate is also obtainable, and begins to be employed, and may soon equal the productions of ancient Wales, which, however, are still imported largely.

Of native animals but little is said at the present day, except in respect of the frontier settlements, and the employments of professed hunters who frequent the forests. Immense wealth has in time past been amassed from the furs, for which several species are sought and killed. Indians complain of the diminution of buffaloes, which heretofore had formed no small portion of their dependence; and it is unquestionable that the once abundant supply has been wasted in very many instances, in which their hides only have been the objects of cupidity, their carcasses being left to birds of prey. The moose has almost disappeared, as also the wild deer, which once abounded. Bears are not common, yet the grisly bear, that is met in California still. The cougar, the catamount, members of the same family, wildcat, lynx, and wolf have in many parts been troublesome, but are now only occasionally caught, shot, or seen.

As we do not by any means profess to give a complete catalogue of quadrupeds, so neither can we of birds and fishes, which yet are abundant. The wild pigeons of the west are still celebrated for their multitudinous-flocks, and the race of wild turkeys is not extinct. Birds of prey are not wanting, from the stately and powerful bald eagle to the various species of the hawk; and all the domestic fowls have accompanied the migrations of the European colonists, as well as all the domestic quadrupeds.

No small amount of provisions drawn from the pasture enters into commerce; and more especially of late years, and since the distressing famine in Ireland. Beef has long been furnished to the West Indies; and with it exported hams, lard, and cheese are admitted into the British islands. At the same time the rearing of sheep is regarded with greater favor, and that especially since the introduction of the Merino breed, and the consequent increase of woollen factories. Cattle, horses, asses, and mules are often shipped to the West India islands as live stock.

From the first knowledge of the Atlantic coast, the fisheries were accounted important. France and England at an early period were sensible of their value, and jealous in securing them. And even to this day, notwithstanding the former power has lost its hold on every portion of the northern continent, the two islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon are retained by treaty, in order to accommodate her fishermen, who spread on them their “flakes.” With respect to the productiveness of this source of human support and governmental revenue, no part of the United States has experienced it more, and thriven more from it, than New England, through its hardy fishermen. From the earliest periods, their occupation has been one of the first necessity and greatest profit, if we take into view its various branches, and include in them the whale fishery. But in pursuit of that employment, not the Atlantic alone bounds their enterprising industry. The bold and hazardous occupation is followed in every ocean, sea, or strait where its subjects are to be met, and the whalers of America are among the most daring, courageous, and expert of men.

The land, the ocean, and the air combine, then, to furnish out a space in which to develop the genius, enterprise, and application of the rapidly increasing population of these states. For the exercise of every talent a field is not wanting; and the exertion of every faculty may be flattered with hope of success.

Having made these remarks, which, of course, must be superficial and brief, as we have no room for enlargement here, and must refer for special and particular information to the body of the work itself, in its. several and distinct articles, we would, with equal brevity, dwell for a little time on some of the historical events which concern the settlement, growth, and prosperity of the states themselves.

Inquiries respecting the primeval inhabitants, important as they may be in the investigations we make for ascertaining the history of man, under all the varieties of existence in which he appears, can be indulged in but sparingly here. Still, since the present inhabitants have entered on the places of their predecessors, some interest must attach to the character and circumstances of those who have passed away ; and it would seem illiberal and unkind to be wholly silent respecting them, and would argue an unbecoming disregard to the claims of common humanity. Hence the subject has occupied no small attention from all our historians.

But the little progress among them of what we term civilization, or rather, perhaps, their distance from the civilization which prevails with us, has rendered the cases so dissimilar, that it were almost invidious to overlook their estimate of character, and pride ourselves on our own. They had their own manners, and habits, and judgments; and although with a standard different from ours, it is evident they were not without some estimate of character. Talents they had, but without means of cultivation. A natural eloquence they could exercise, and form sagacious counsels. But their want of a sure method of perpetuating their acquisitions, by a careful transmission of them, rendered them but transitory. Simple facts alone would be matters of remembrance, and even these would be recollected but imperfectly. Reasonings would be almost as evanescent as the times and occasions of them. The preservation of a continuity of thought, plan, and effort, so as to form national character, is the result of a literature that embodies the labors of the huma.m.nd.

It is not wonderful, then, that so little remains to enable us to ascertain the distinguishing traits of Indian character and life. Our histories fail to do justice to the subject, doubtless ; for they were written by parties unfavorably prepossessed, and in but few instances by the cultivated talent of natives. Nevertheless, here and there, in the course of more than three centuries, an example is found.

The mounds and fortifications discovered at the west, and having some relation to monuments remaining in Mexico and Peru, indicate more of industry and talent than has at least been exercised by our Indians since Europeans landed on these shores. And perhaps their very presence hastened the deterioration, from a despair of resisting with success, or even maintaining their own position, much less of surpassing those who, in too many instances, became oppressors rather than aids, robbers more than friends.

These remarks, however, will, it is acknowledged, apply more to the southern than the northern part of the American continent-more to the Spaniards than the English. But even in regard to the English, although possessed of a purer faith, and prompted, in most cases, by higher motives, yet, with comparatively few though honorable exceptions, too little attention has been paid to their welfare, too little to their instruction and training for usefulness, and national establishment and prosperity. True, it wa.m.ch to demand this of human nature, selfish as it is; and therefore the names of Eliot, and Mayhew, and Gookin, and Penn, and Brainerd, and Benezet, and of a catalogue of worthies, will be celebrated with high and growing regard. As no amalgamation of the races took place, the Indians have, for the greater part, declined. They are mostly removed from their ancient seats, and inhabit a frontier country, where they can enjoy, at least for a time, the privileges of the chase. Some, indeed, have abandoned the life of the hunter, and become agriculturists; and, in consequence of the persevering, self-denying labor of devoted missionaries, not a few have become, by the divine blessing, humble and devout Christians. The Cherokees,-who have now an alphabet of their own,-the Choctaws, Mohegans,-a mere remnant, however,-and a few Creeks, Mohawks, Oneidas, Ojibways, and Dakotas have thus been trained to a degree of Christian civilization; and the work is still advancing, but the discouragements are great. What is to be the issue time alone can develop.

As respects the European immigration, a new order of things dawned at its outset; and though the progress was slow at first, laborious, and often interrupted, yet it has advanced to a day of no little splendor. Let us trace the outlines.

Virginia may, in some respects, be permitted to take the lead; for, although both France and Spain had preceded England in efforts to colonize portions of North America, the colonies of each of them were beyond the boundaries which limited the thirteen states of the original Union; Canada retaining her connection with England, and Florida becoming a territory of the United States only in the year 1819, and a state in 1845. Virginia has, therefore, been called “the Old Dominion,” dating her first effective European settlement from 1607. That very year, indeed, wa.m.rked by an attempt to settle an English colony at the mouth of the Kennebec, the intended province then bearing the name of Sagadehoc. But it was broken up the ensuing spring; and thirteen years passed away before the next settlement wa.m.de, in what had been called New England, as early as 1614. This, happily, became permanent.

Still, the coast had been frequented for purposes of the fishery, and to effect also the expulsion of the French from Acadia, within the bounds of which debatable country they had formed several settlements, and recovered, and, to a later period, retained them, greatly to the annoyance of the English settlers. But the colonization of Virginia, though attended with many discouragements and disappointments, on which our space permits us not to dwell, advanced, and became a safeguard to the next successful band of adventurers.

This band, to which we have before alluded, was the expatriated church of Robinson, who established themselves at Plymouth, and are familiarly and honorably known as “the Pilgrims of Leyden,” or “the Pilgrim Fathers of New England.” Their errand hither wa.m.inly for religious peace and prosperity, and it was religiously conducted; nor is it too much to say, that, in the good providence of God, their efforts, character, and success have given a deeply interesting tone to the history and features of their adopted country, and render their memory respected by every true philanthropist. But on their individual or special history we have no room here to dwell. Their immigration was in 1620.

A few years after, a settlement was commenced at Naumkeag, in the Bay of Massachusetts, and called Salem. Then followed an establishment on the north side of the river which enters the bottom of the bay, and, in compliment to the king of England then on the throne, took the name of Charlestown. The settlement of Boston succeeded, in 1630, under Winthrop, Johnson, and their associates; and now the way was opened to thousands of their countrymen, and the principles agreed upon, on which the colony might live, thrive, and flourish.

Encouraged by such instances of success, there had been, in the mean while, several English adventurers who formed settlements for trading, fishing, and exploring the country, along the whole coast of New England; and the colonies of New Hampshire, of Connecticut, and New Haven, separate at first, but afterwards blended, Rhode Island and the Plantation of Providence, forming a retreat for persecuted religionists, Laconia, Gorgeana, and Sagadehoc, included afterwards in Maine, gradually burst into being. Before the middle of the seventeenth century they had become politically organized as distinct governments, and, in 1643, four of them formed a confederation, the type and emblem of a future important fact, which, in little more than a century later, created a new nation.

The Dutch also, as a great naval power, and rival, in that respect, of England and France, had not been idle, but, as early as 1609, employed an Englishman, Henry Hudson, who discovered the noble river that bears his name, and penetrated it as far as where Albany now stands, preparing the way for the formation of the “Empire State” of New York. The early result was not, indeed, a promise of harmony in regard to the growth and happiness of the little colonies to the eastward of Manhattan or New Netherlands. Jealousies arose on both sides, and bickerings and difficulties with the natives, which were not fully quieted until English authority became paramount, and New York ceased to be controlled by any other European power.

The settlements of New Jersey and Maryland, of Delaware, and, at length, of Pennsylvania, extended the English influence along the coast between Virginia on the south, and New England to the north and east. For the settlement of Swedes, in the neighborhood of Cape Henlopen, yielded, in not a long time, to the prowess of the Dutch, and, with them, became at last subject to the British crown.

Nor did Virginia long remain the southern boundary of British dominion. North and South Carolina were settled in the reign of Charles II., and in 1732 the foundation was laid for the State of Georgia.

These were the thirteen original states recognized at the period of the American revolution.

But, considering how unanimous they became in that grand scene of the trial of principle, it is curious to notice how diversified were the characters of the first settlers of them, and on what principles they were severally chartered. James I. of England, who gave the earliest of these charters, was bigoted, arbitrary, and jealous of his prerogative. Royal blood was, with him, of different composition from that which runs in the veins of ordinary mortals. And he was ready to visit with pains and penalties the presumption of Rolfe, one of his subjects, who had dared, without his leave, to ally himself with even an Indian princess, in the person of Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan. Such, too, was the known character of his son and grandsons who succeeded him. And it was only under Cromwell, and at the time of the revolution in England, that popular rights were regarded with any real sympathy. Hence, in part, at least, this observable diversity.

Some also of the charters, like those, for instance, of Pennsylvania and Maryland, were bestowed on court favorites, as gratuities for services rendered or anticipated. In others, as in those of the Carolinas, granted to noblemen principally, a provision was made in the constitution framed for them by the profound metaphysician Locke, for ranks of hereditary nobles-a provision which, though happily never carried into effect in any one province or colony, exhibits one of the embarrassments that, but for some overruling power, must have obstructed the course of the subsequent revolution, and establishment of a republican form of government.

But the tendency towards a prevalence of the principles of democracy or republicanism is, in one circumstance, more distinctly traceable than in any other. It is in the absence of the ultimately controlling power. This, from the very necessity of the case, threw the exercise of a certain degree of authority on the people themselves, either in their primary assemblies, where each one must feel his own consequence, or in those of their representatives, immediate or remote. Accustomed thus to a degree of self-government, and unawed by the splendor of the present majesty of power, unused therefore to the servility of courtiers, the colonists exercised a degree of sovereignty at an early period. This varied, indeed, as we have seen, in the different colonies ; but, in process of time, a portion of liberty pervaded all. The removal to America of the charter of Massachusetts was no short step towards the exercise of the spirit of 1776. India is governed in London by the honorable company seated there, of whom the governor general is but the agent, and to whom he is accountable. But were the company seated in India, how long could loyalty to the crown of Great Britain be cherished?

It cannot, then, appear strange that a degree of jealousy should be felt in the mother country in relation to the exercise of power on the part of the colonies. It was this which led to the mission of Randolph under Charles II., and ripened the popular fury against Andros in the reign of his misguided brother. Nor this alone ; for the exhibition of spirit and ability to conduct important warlike enterprises, which was made in 1745 in the successful attack on Louisburg, familiarly called the Dunkirk or Gibraltar of America, and deemed impregnable, aroused at court the anxious fear that greater efforts would soon become practicable, if the exercise of power were not speedily checked. To this idea we may trace the succession of measures which prepared the way for the American revolution.

It would be a pleasing task to dwell here on the endeared memory of many a colonial worthy, and to embalm the virtues of patriots not a few, though filling a humble sphere; but it is impracticable. Nor can we follow the traces of those stirring events which distinguished the vastly disproportionate struggle between the colonies and the powerful mother country, then at the height of her supremacy on the sea. Warriors were nurtured by the contests with the French of Canada. Minds were enlarged by the project of a confederacy to resist them made in 1754. In this it was intended so to unite the several colonies along the Atlantic border, that they might be able to defeat the sagacious policy of France in extending her posts from Canada to Louisiana, and securing the inland, central regions to herself, that she might fall on the maritime and subdue them at her convenience.

One of the most affecting though simple devices of the Puritans appears in the arms and motto adopted by the State of Connecticut. It exhibits the vine fastened and trained for bearing to its upright stake, and the assertion, “He who transplanted will sustain it.” This was the confidence of the pious founders of not a few colonies on this side the Atlantic. They trusted in God. And his providence can, without the aid of an unmanly superstition, be distinctly traced in the history of the United States. The spirit of his truth is marked, from generation to generation, on the minds, and consciences, and lives of men preparing for the exercise of freedom in its widest practicable extent and forms. If even Hume was compelled to give his meed of praise to the Puritans for the elements of true liberty ingrafted on the British stock by the struggles of the Commonwealth, Americans may well trace to the possession and free use of the Bible their more perfected political developments. Nay, it has been said, and that recently, with equal truth and eloquence, “Who shall write the history of modern civilization without tracking the course of the divine Word? To the homes of our fathers it brought the best lessons of experience and the sturdiest virtues of religion. We need not sa.m.ch of the good seed of the Word that came with the people of the Mayflower and the Arbella, nor will our common sense or charity allow us to limit the blessing to any State in the Union. The Bible came with the Huguenots of Carolina, the Reformed Dutch of Manhattan, the Friends of Pennsylvania, the Churchmen of Virginia, the Methodists of Georgia, as well as the Puritans of Massachusetts. Who shall say what that book has done for the nation?”

Look, then, at the history of the United States. It deserves to be contemplated with serious attention as a development of the august providence of God, who uses the passions and pursuits of men for the accomplishment of his own wise and benevolent designs. The discovery of the new continent occurs at a period of the world when the huma.m.nd, jn Europe at least, has been roused to uncommon activity, and has put forth its greatest vigor. The reformation resuscitates the power of the Bible, and persecution tests its worth. Spain conquers and possesses the southern part of the continent, seeking every where to assuage her insatiate craving for gold. She passes by the northern half, because it is not discovered there, and leaves to France and England a country she knows not how to value. France colonizes the least inviting part of this vast field, on which England begins to display a rival power. Commercial enterprise is roused, but commercial enterprise signally fails. Religious principle conducts a perilous effort, and success, after much hardship and suffering, crowns it. This encourages adventure, and, step by step, the work advances. Colonies, scattered along the Atlantic border, like those of ancient Greece on the shores of Asia.m.ltiply and prosper. But, unlike them, these colonies discover that their interests are similar, become united, and are led to form one government, which exhibits to the world a new nation.

Every step of this progress is interesting to the statesman, the philanthropist, and the Christian. The first will study it as developing the germ of human greatness ; the next will contemplate it as opening an asylum for suffering humanity, a field for honest labor, with hopeful promise of reward; but the last will view it with grateful and adoring thoughts of the wonder-working power of God.

The close of the revolutionary struggle-during which had been exhibited many of the virtues that adorn and exalt human nature, although in multitudes of instances the contamination of the unfixed and loose opinions and manners that prevail in camps affected our countrymen, and made an awful inroad on the simplicity of colonial habits-brought with it a view and keen perception of difficulties and embarrassments which had hardly been anticipated. While the struggle itself endured, the event was doubtful, and hope and fear alternately prevailed. But when the pressure of events from abroad had diminished, and the feelings and views generated by the scenes of home gained sway, room was afforded for a new play of the passions, and perils of a new character arose. And hence it has been remarked by a statesman, whose talents and power of thought and language have been amply acknowledged in our own country and in Europe, that no period of American history deserves the profound study of our young men more than that which intervened between the peace of 1783 and the establishment of the federal government in 1789.

The reason of this remark must appear on reflecting that, when the independence of the country had been achieved by labors, self-denial, and sacrifices of property, time, talents, and life, of which in this day we can form no adequate conception, there were required the virtues of self-command, candor, and devotion to the public welfare. Without these, it must be clear that freedom from one class of evils might have been effected only to incur new troubles and difficulties from another. The perils of anarchy and of civil war, and of the reckless personal ambition of daring chieftains, were all to be dreaded. With these perils the provinces of South America and Mexico were necessitated to contend when they burst awa.m.re recently from the dominion of Spain; nor have the contest and its perils ceased with them even yet.

But, most happily for us and the world, its Sovereign Ruler had provided for the emergency in raising up a distinguished individual, of whom, without unduly exalting man, we may admit, with truth, that he was “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” Washington had been called to the command of her armies by his country in her day of danger. He had conducted the arduous struggle to its close, with a discretion, a moral as well as natural courage, and a dignity of character which left him without a rival. And perhaps in none of the favors of divine Providence bestowed on the country-and they have been numerous and great-can we find what should be regarded a.m.re peculiarly deserving commemoration than this. It is admitted by all nations who become acquainted with the facts, as well as by our own. An English reviewer, while displaying a series of political schemes, remarked, that “however they might have appeared and been successful in other times, they could not bear the light of the age of Washington.”

His sterling worth, long tried and extensively approved, the disinterestedness of his behavior and moral integrity in all respects, rendered it safe, in the estimation of the people at large, to invest him with the supreme power of the republic. To this elevation no claim of royal descent was produced ; although this might have been pleaded with equal truth as for General Monk, the rival, in one sense, and yet the restorer of Charles II. And it has been said that our minister in France received an offer from a Norman nobleman, who stated his family to be as ancient and respectable as that of William the Conqueror. The offer was made on the supposition that of course the country would want, and must have a king, when it should become independent. George III. is stated to have remarked to our countryman West that he supposed the Americans would strive to make General Washington their king, instead of himself.

One of the most remarkable circumstances in reference to the American population, and the providence of God overruling and ordering affairs for a future benefit, is seen in this, that hereditary titles of nobility have been, from the first, unusual among us, to say the least. None, of course, could have originated here; and although noblemen dwelt with us as governors, occasional sojourners, and even with their own families about them, yet they were never American noblemen, entitled as such to a seat in the House of Lords.

It was bold language for the late M. Sismondi to employ, when he said that revolutions for the advancement of liberty had not been rare, but that in France the principle on which they are sought, and which he supposed to be a melioration of the condition of the people, had been lost sight of, from the circumstance that they had ever placed some prince in power. This, of course, was written before the pretensions of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, almost invariably called a prince, were developed. If Lafayette, in 1830, had been placed at the head of a republic, or, in 1848, some individual without a claim to royal descent or regal or imperial relationship.m.ght not stability have been bestowed on those institutions which now seem only made to be overturned? And is it not strange, that, while in theory all titles are abolished, the French delight still in giving their rulers princely and noble titles? No, it may be said, it is not strange, for the French people are not prepared for republican government. It is questionable if they can be so before the present generation passes away.

Indeed, human nature must be greatly changed, if the hearts of men in America be not affected, as elsewhere, with the love of distinction. They are so affected; but the democratic tendency which has been stamped on our institutions is ever found a counteracting force.

Family cliques are cultivated, exclusiveness in the associations of intimacy is cherished, wealthy matches coveted and sought out, and effected even among very near relatives, to secure riches and influence ; but still the general process is of a levelling character, after all. The equal division of estates in families, and the rapid growth of families themselves, assist it; and, in very many instances, the ambitious hope of rearing and establishing aristocratic distinctions is frustrated and destroyed.

At such a consummation we ought not, perhaps, so far as individual improvement is concerned, and the formation of a character of virtuous distinction and influence, to rejoice; nevertheless, the problem to be wrought out in America appears to be of wider concernment to the human race than the aggrandizement of family relationship. In the old republics of Venice, Switzerland, and Holland, things were vastly different. In them an aristocracy was avowed, established, and rendered paramount and flourishing. The American problem refers to the possibly Utopian idea of the brotherhood of mankind ; and probably no nation was ever placed in circumstances calculated more happily to realize this object.

A new motive for the cultivation of the virtues which our fondest partiality ascribes to our best patriots, and most excellent citizens and countrymen, arises from the fact, that at the present eventful crisis of affairs in Europe, in which the experience and character of these states are studied, and our institutions alluded to, as an exemplification of the results of civic freedom, our example may be of the highest moral tendency. It may obtain an influence for the good of large and suffering portions of mankind, that shall be effective of “glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men.”

With respect to the fears entertained from the overwhelming torrent of uneducated, and vicious, and pauper foreigners poured upon our shores, in a manner so unprecedented, we may feel less alarm if our citizens will but preserve, and, as circumstances require, augment the advantages of early education now enjoyed, and see that the young immigrants improve them. This will lay the axe to the root of all growing corruption. Adults may prove incorrigible, and require the animadversion of wholesome law. Our prisons can now instruct and compel them to labor for the profit of the public ; but the education of the young, conducted on principles of sound morals and sincere piety, will prove the sure foundation of usefulness, respectability, and prosperity. Such has it ever been found, and ever will be.

To return to our political state: a comparison of our highest executive officers with others of such grade abroad elicits hope. While, for instance, the present ruler of France is openly charged with a design of perpetuating his powers, and altering the very constitution of the country for that end, we have never had a public case, whatever may have transpired privately, in which a president of the United States was found ambitiously plotting for the perpetuation or continuance of his power. Those who have filled this station have returned successively to private life, or, as in two illustrious instances, consented to serve the public in a lower but important position. Thanks are due to God for this apparent degree of civic purity of character. And we should rejoice in that state of public sentiment which would not only render the reverse of this odious to the country, but also effectually defeat the object aimed at.

The condition of the country at the close of the revolutionary war, and which had been but partially benefited by the subsequent confederation, assumed a new life under the government of the Father of his Country. That government, after it had been exercised for the constitutional period, that is, for four years, from 1789 to 1793, was again offered by the public voice to its distinguished head, and again accepted; but not for a third period,although by many greatly desired.

It had been only by the exercise of qualities precisely adapted to the emergencies which required them, that Washington had been so successful. His personal courage was unquestionable. His firmness and moderation were even constitutional, habitual, and uniform. He sincerely loved his country, and devoted himself to its interests in a manner perhaps unprecedented. The people at large appreciated his character, and had entire confidence in his integrity; and it was only prejudice or ignorance, or the reckless violence of party spirit, eagerly bent on its object, and unscrupulous as to the methods of attaining it, which opposed and thwarted his well-considered measures, gave trouble to his impartial government, and vilified his person.

In fact, in the great points of view under which we are to consider this so justly celebrated man, so remarkably prepared in the providence of God for the stations he was called successively to fill, it will be proper to notice:

First, the contest for freedom, or the revolution. And in this we see a people widely scattered, comparatively poor, living under different laws, although dependent on the same crown, having rivalries, jealousies, antipathies of their own, and yet necessitated, from the very nature of the case, to act together. He was the instrument of thus connecting them, by the weight of his own character, and the wisdom and energy of his conduct, and the revolution was achieved.

Next came the substitution of a more effective central government for that of a Congress which had no power to enforce its decisions, and for a long period little ability to decide. And the convention of 1787, four years after the peace, was presided over by him. In that was formed the constitution, under which, with comparatively few amendments, the United States have existed in honor and prosperity for more than sixty years.

No one, probably, of its framers better knew than he the difficulties to be met, the powers necessary to be created and exercised, and the authority requisite to be given, in order to constitute an efficient yet paternal government; although this knowledge were in him more the result of experience, aided by sound, practical good sense, than of sedentary study and learned research. For these the corporal activity of his pursuits and labors had allowed him little leisure. But there were in association with him minds of high intelligence. Of this character were Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. To these, and such as they, were confided the great concerns of adjusting and balancing the respective departments,— legislative, judicial, and executive,-and of founding, at length, under his superintendence, an empire of laws based on the welfare of the whole community ; laws under which any aggregate of population, if disposed to be orderly, industrious, and frugal, or any number of states, if loyally affiliated to the federal government, can enjoy as great prosperity as it falls to the lot of human institutions to secure.

The third view is that in which, after the perils, sufferings, sacrifices of the revolution, and the establishment of principles of government, partaking of the nature as well of concession, agreement, and compromise, in certain cases, as of conservative arrangements in others, we behold the successful warrior and upright legislator, first in the esteem, veneration, gratitude, and confidence of his countrymen, becoming their first president. At the head now of a new nation, his habits of intercourse must form precedents for his successors. The formalities of his administration will characterize future courses; and, happily, his inclination, judgment, and resolution established a “just medium” between too great stateliness, resembling the courts of foreign princes, and the too great familiarity which would bring government into contempt.

“If I were to exhibit the spirit of the constitution,” observed recently the present able secretary of state, “in its living, speaking, animated form, I would refer always, always to the administration of the first president, George Washington. And if I were now to describe a patriot president, I would draw his masterstrokes and copy his design. I would present his picture before me as a constant study for life. I would present his policy, alike liberal, just, narrowed down to no sectional interests, bound to no personal objects, held to no locality, but broad, and generous, and open, as expansive as the air. ... I would draw a picture of his foreign policy, just, steady, stately, but withal .... lofty and glorious. No man could say in his day that the broad escutcheon of the honor of the Union could receive injury or damage, or even contumely or disrespect, with impunity. His own character gave character to the foreign relations of the country. He upheld every interest of his country in even the proudest nations of Europe ; and while resolutely just, he was resolutely determined that no plume in the honor of his country should ever be defaced or taken from its proper position by any power on earth. Washington was cautious and prudent; no self-seeker; giving information to Congress according to the constitution, on all questions, when necessary, with fairness and frankness, claiming nothing for himself, exercising his own rights, and preserving the dignity of his station, but taking especial care to execute the laws as a paramount duty, and in such manner as to give satisfaction to every body, and to be subservient to that end. And it was always remarked of his administration, that he filled the courts of justice with the most spotless integrity, the highest talent, and the purest virtue; and hence it became a common saying, running through all classes of society, that our great security is in the learning and integrity of the judicial tribunals. This high character they justly possessed, and continue to possess in an eminent degree, from the impress which Washington stamped on these tribunals at their first organization.”

We have dwelt thus long on this administration, as it exhibits the genius and spirit of the American government in its acknowledged model. Successive presidents-the thirteenth is now in the chair-have in general so regarded it, as well as the people at large ; and all parties virtually conspire to render to it their praise. We have not room to follow out the history of each administration. The constitution itself it is proper for a short space to consider.

Its objects are, to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty; and it is ordained and established in the name of the people.

I. It vests all the legislative powers it grants in a Congress, consisting of two branches, a Senate and House of Representatives. The representatives are chosen once in two years, by all persons qualified in their several states to vote for members of the most numerous branch of the state legislature ; and no one can be entitled to a seat in this house under twenty-five years of age. He must also have been a citizen of the United States for seven years, and an inhabitant of the state in which he is chosen.

The Senate consists of two senators from each state, chosen by its legislature, for six years.

It is divided into three classes, one of which goes out of office every two years. A senator must have attained thirty years, been a citizen of the United States nine years, and be an inhabitant of the state that elects him.

When a vacancy occurs in the representation of a state, its executive is to issue writs for a new election by the people. If it happen in the Senate, the state legislature supplies it by a new election; and should it occur when such legislature is not in session, the state executive makes a temporary appointment until the legislature meets.

The representatives choose their own speaker, have the exclusive power to impeach public officers, and originate bills for raising a revenue. The Vice President of the United States presides over the Senate, which chooses its other officers, and a president pro tempore, in case of absence of its president, or in case he exercise the office of President of the United States.

Each house determines the validity of the elections and qualifications of its own members, forms its own rules, and keeps a journal of its proceedings. Their members are privileged from arrest, during the session, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

The Congress has power to make and enforce all laws necessary for the general welfare; as, to lay taxes and collect them, imposts and excises also, to borrow money, regulate commerce, establish uniform rules of naturalization, coin money, establish post-roads and post-offices, promote the arts and sciences, institute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court, define and punish piracy, declare war and make reprisals, raise and support armies, provide and maintain a navy, and regulate the militia, and to make all laws necessary to carry these powers into effect, exercising also jurisdiction over the District of Columbia.

II. No bill of attainder or retrospective [ex post facto) law shall be passed; the writ of habeas corpus cannot be suspended, except in cases of rebellion or invasion; no soldier, in time of peace, to be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by law ; no direct tax can be laid, except according to a census of the inhabitants ; no duty can be laid on exports; no money to be drawn from the treasury, unless appropriated by law; no law to be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances; no title of nobility can be granted, nor can any public officer, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present or title from any foreign prince or state. The states are restricted from emitting bills of credit, making any thing but gold or silver a tender for debts, and passing any law impairing private contracts. No member, also, of Congress, continuing such, is allowed to hold any office under the government of the United States; and no person holding any office under the United States can be a member of either house during his continuance in office.

III. The executive power is vested in a president, who holds his office for four years, and who must have been a citizen at the adoption of the constitution, or native of the United States, must have attained thirty-five years of age, and been fourteen years a resident within the Union. The president, and the vice president, of similar qualifications, are chosen by electors, designated as the legislature of each state shall direct. The number of electors in each state is to equal the whole number of its senators and representatives.

The president is commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia when called into actual service. He grants reprieves and pardons, except in cases of impeachment; nominates, and, with advice and consent of the Senate, appoints ambassadors, judges, and other officers of the United States, forms treaties, provided two thirds of the Senate agree, and fills vacancies in offices happening during the Senate’s recess. He convenes the Congress on extraordinary occasions, receives foreign ministers, gives information to Congress of the state of public affairs, and, in general, takes care that the laws be faithfully executed —being himself under solemn oath or affirmation to that end, and liable to impeachment as any other public officer. In case of death, resignation, or removal of the president, the vice president succeeds to his office.

IV. The judiciary of the United States consists of one Supreme Court, meeting annually at Washington, and such inferior courts as Congress ordains. The judges hold their offices during good behavior, and while holding them can sustain no diminution of salary. The power of these courts extends to all cases in law and equity, arising under the constitution or laws of the United States, and under treaties ; to cases of public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies between the states, and where the United States are a party, but not in regard to suits originating with foreign states, or subjects of them; between citizens of different states ; between a state and a citizen of another state, and between citizens of the same state, claiming under grants of different states; and to causes between one of the states, or an American citizen, and a foreign state or citizen.

V. As to general rights and immunities : In all criminal trials, except impeachment, the trial by jury is guarantied to the accused. Treason is restricted to the simple act of levying war against the United States, and adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort; and no one can be convicted but by two witnesses to the same act, or by confession in open court. Conviction of treason is not followed by corruption of blood, to disinherit the criminal’s heirs, nor by forfeiture of estate, except during the life of the offender. The citizens of each state are entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states; and the powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. Congress may admit new states into the Union; and the national compact guaranties to each state a republican form of government, together with protection from foreign invasion and domestic violence.

Such, in substance, is the celebrated charter, if it so may be called, of the rights, privileges, and duties of American citizens, whether in their private capacity, or raised for a time to offices of trust and power. Under it these states have grown to a maturity which ranks them, in their collective, concentrated existence, among the leading nations of the world. To the three millions of their population, when they felt it their duty to appeal to arms against the mother country, they have now added a score of millions, and more. They are in commerce second only to Great Britain, the first among the nations. Their navy is respectable, well built, and well furnished. Their internal commerce is immense. Its statistics appear in the following work. Their railroads are among the greatest triumphs of art over natural impediments of distance and unequal surfaces. Steam has astonishingly facilitated and abridged human toil; and the ease with which intelligence is, like lightning, sent from one extremity of the Union to the other, is among the wonders of the age.

We do not here appeal to statistics; these occupy another department, and will confirm the present statements amply. We commend to the reader a careful perusal of them, and will simply remark, in closing this rapid review, that it is not alone in the progress of population, agriculture, commerce, and the arts, that we are to contemplate the elements of greatness bestowed on the United States. Other things demand a grateful notice.

Very early in the settlement of the country it was perceived that no temporal prosperity could be permanent without the institutions of learning and religion. Two classes of Englishmen came over: the one, at the south, maintained conformity to the church of England; the other, at the north, claimed and exercised a greater liberty-the liberty of dissent. These dispositions had each their peculiar effect. Compelled to rely on themselves, the northern dissenters founded their college, and endowed it as well as their poverty would allow; and for years it was the only seminary of such kind in the colonies. Sir William Berkeley, like the late Emperor of Austria, wanted about him “not learned men, but obedient subjects.” Wherever the influence of New England reaches in these states, the school, the college, and the Christia.m.nistry are esteemed as necessaries of life, and not easily dispensed with; and all the states, without exception, perhaps, have since the revolution partaken more or less in this feeling. The press groans with its periodical issues; and these are not all the production of contentious political partisans ; but a large share is of a religious, scientific, literary character, bringing into discussion the great questions that agitate the intellectual world, and assuming a stand in the crowd of learned competitors.

Astronomy, chemistry, mineralogy, geology, and natural history are cultivated with growing ardor and success. They will be advanced by the facilities afforded through the unexpected liberality of an English stranger, whose benefaction has consecrated at the capital of the nation a reservoir of knowledge, diffusing its streams to the extremities of the land.

Our missionary enterprises, in the foreign field and at home, have been surprisingly prosperous. The state of Christian civilization bestowed on the Sandwich Islands is the proof of it as regards distant efforts; the increasing settlement of the institutions of religion in the west is a happy comment on the domestic effort; while the creation of a new republic on the shores of Africa is one of the most glorious of the triumphs of religion, humanity, and political wisdom.

Nothing will be wanting to the greatness and prosperity of our cherished republic, if, securing the blessing of God by obedience to his Word, under the directions of which no small portion of our ancestors lived and toiled, we hold on our way-with fearless integrity, and a conscientious love of our country and our race.